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Gay magazines are an essential part of gay culture. Gay magazines with their highly-specialized nature are effective outlets that support the culture of a group traditionally excluded from other forms of mass media (Benzie, 2000). As Sender (2001) pointed out, the "gay habitus" or the intimate connection between gay culture and other forms of cultural belonging, like sense of class and race, is maintained "by and through marketing; and gay publications are the most visible and, arguably, powerful version of 'gayness' for...gay-identified people" (p. 75). In the US, the takeoff of gay magazines ran parallel with the shift in the marketing balance between what Turrow (1997) called "society-making media” and "segment-making media" that took place in the 1970s. While the latter gave more attention to minority groups, the former were those that aimed to bring all groups of society together. Gay magazines then covered a wide range of topics that directly and indirectly related to the gay population: articles on gay rights developments and the AIDS pandemic, features on fashion, fitness, grooming, health and so on. The wide range of topics available suggested a highly varied and even pluralistic gay market where individuals of different interests, ideologies, values and principles coexisted and consumed; and are held together by the market-forged reputation of gay men as affluent, educated and apolitical (Sender, 2001). In the Philippines, the first gay magazine published for commercial circulation was Valentino in 1999. This "unpretentious" magazine, whose debut issue successfully sold out, usually featured naked men in suggestive poses and promoted the idea of a sexually-active, party-going gay man (Lim, n.d.). Since then, however, Valentino and other gay magazines like Icon Magazine (2004), L (2004), and Generation Pink (2005), have incorporated coming out

narratives, gays' success stories, and features on health, fashion, and science and technology into their content. These publications purposely aimed to dispel the pervading notion that gay magazines are nothing more than pornographic reading materials custom-made for gay men, an idea Valentino had previously and successfully banked on. Gay magazines rely on the position that gayness - or sexuality - is essentially a social construct (Foucault, 1978; D'Emilio, 1983, 1993; Warner, 1993 as cited in Sender, 2001) that must be sustained through a series of practices of which consumption is paramount (Mort & Green, 1988). At the same time, gays rely on the media, particularly the print media, for the knowledge and values distinct to their culture; values which are not or only incidentally taught in school and at home (Benzie, 2000). It is not unfounded then to posit that the consumption of magazines - and media in general - deserves attention in the realm of gayness or what it means to be gay (For example, see McCracken, 1993; Ohmann, 1996; Horsely, 2000; Benzie, 2000; Sender, 2001; Molina, 2002). In the Philippines, especially, where the gay publishing industry has only recently taken off (there are currently as many local gay magazines - existing or now defunct - as there are years since Valentino first came out in 1999), the gay market remains relatively unknown. Are Filipino gay men, compared to the Western gay consumer, any different in their media consumption practices? Do they also avail of magazines for guidance or what Ohmann (1996) called "socially correct participation" or as "training manuals" (Sender, 2001) on gay etiquette and 'scene' briefing?

Rationale of the Study

The researchers are interested in finding out if and to what extent the findings and conclusions drawn from generally western-oriented research endeavors on gay magazine consumption among gay men apply to the local setting. How might regular consumption of local gay magazines affect the Filipino gay reader - the consumer - in terms of his value formation, perceived needs and wants, and lifestyle choices? How do the said publications contribute, if they do at all, to the construction, reconstruction, maintenance, and or reinforcement of his identity as Filipino male homosexual? These are the questions that loosely guided the undertaking of this study. More importantly, the study was conducted to contribute, to whatever degree, to the dearth of research endeavors focusing on the Filipino gay man as an active media consumer who continuously forms and re-forms his identity. For several other tangential but no less important reasons, this study can also provide editors and publishers of local gay magazines general and specific insights on how to design their future issues, i.e., what to include, devote more space to, exclude, and so on. Moreover, the research may reveal to readers otherwise indifferent to or ignorant of Filipino gays and their lifestyles the different ideals forwarded by local gay magazines and how these might relate to how gay identities are imagined and performed in the Philippines.

The Filipino Gay Man Homosexuals are generally classified as either "out" or "in" based on the oft-referred-to "closet" and the act of "coming out" of it. While this essentially western metaphor has been subjected to considerable criticism (for example: Butler, 1991), it is hard to deny its centrality in narratives on gay identity formation, especially among adolescents (Leap, 1999; Troiden, 1989). However, Manalansan's (2003) ethnographic study on Filipino gay men in New York showed and iterated that for Filipino gay men, the concept of the closet and the process of coming out "are not culturally constituted in the same way as the mainstream [American] gay community"

(p. 34). This is where the Filipino communicative strategy of pakikiramdam or 'feeling out' comes into play as Filipino gay men tend to believe that people, specifically family members, are quite capable of sensing their gayness for themselves. Verbalization - i.e., coming out - is deemed unnecessary, if not excessive and "foreign" (p. 33). To accommodate this discrepancy, Manalansan proposed "the public avowal of identity" in place of "coming out of the closet" (2003: p. 33). This is helpful because it recognizes both the Filipino gay culture's dissimilarity with predominant or mainstream gay culture as well as the importance of a man's conscious and open acknowledgment of personal sexual desire for other men as a defining moment that heralds in the formation of his gay identity. This identity, or rather its formation process, is furthered by, among others, sexual encounters and the use of the so-called gay language. These acts not only shape the culture that distinguishes them from non-gay men but also helps sustain their identity-making process. In time, it is anticipated that their own concept of gay will, as Herdt and Boxer emphasized, "signify identity and role of course,

but also a distinctive system of rules, norms, attitudes and yes, beliefs from which the culture of gay men is made" (1992: p. 5).

Gayness J. Neil Garcia's (2004) essay on the history of male homosexuality in the Philippines is in some ways invaluable in contextualizing modern-day baklas and Filipino gay men. To historically represent the Filipino homosexual, Garcia stressed the importance of distinguishing gender from sexuality: when we speak in terms of gender, we speak of the bakla; when we speak in terms of sexuality, we point in reference to one who is gay or a man who sexually desires other men. Manalansan's (2003) study, meanwhile, offers unique insights on the borders of baklaness and gayness and how these are constantly negotiated. Both he and Garcia explicitly question the persistent use of the word bakla as an all-encompassing term to refer to the Filipino male homosexual regardless if he is a transsexual, a transgender, a cross-dresser, an effeminate straight man, or any man who sexually desires another man. As Manalansan (2003) summarized:

“Indeed, while bakla conflates the categories of effeminacy, transvetism, and homosexuality and can mean one or all of these in different contexts, the main focus of the term is that of effeminate mannerism, feminine physical characteristics...and cross-dressing. (p.25)

As stated earlier, homosexuals are often classified as either "out" or "in" (the closet). In the Philippines, these two larger classifications have been adopted to make way for the subcategories that are until today not completely clear nor accepted. More than a decade ago, Tan (1995) identified three groups of men who comprise the "out" homosexual population in the Philippines. The three groups are: Call Boys (male sex workers), Parloristas (gays who make a living in beauty salons), and Gays, who were then subdivided according to class - middle or high - origins. More recently, Cruz (2006), lending a more modern inflection, cited three sub-categories for those who are "out": Drag, Effeminate, and Discreet.

Drag Gays include transsexuals, cross dressers, and the parloristas; they are defined essentially as gay men who wear women's clothing, behave like women, and do not have sex with other gay men. Effeminate gays or better known as "Effems" are gays who dress in men's clothing but display feminine actions - in terms of hand gestures, posture, walking style, etc. - and manner of speaking. Discreet Gays are similar to effeminate gays in that they generally dress and look like men but they do not outwardly express any sign of femininity nor do they engage in gay lingo or gayspeak. They are gay because they openly admit to being physically and sexually attracted to other gay men. Today, the Filipino term "paminta," this literally translates as “pepper” is used to refer to the bakla. Discreet gays are called "pamintang buo" ("whole peppercorns") and effeminate gays are called “pamintang durog” ("cracked pepper"). These labels were formed through a play on the words pa-men, usually read as pa-mihn, used to describe gays who try to look and act masculine, and paminta or pepper. This instance can be taken as a concrete example of a particular linguistic style associated with camp (gay) talk: the use of puns and word play (Cameron and Kulick, 2003: 100).

Identity and Media: The Role of Gay Magazines The immense lack of studies on Filipino homosexuals as media consumers is notable. Austria's (2004) study on gayness in the Philippines as tackled and presented in online communities was the lone venture relevant to this topic. Here, Austria found that gay readers tend to pay attention to portions of a magazine they deem helpful in forming their identities, whatever type of gay they believe themselves to be. His other arguments pertaining to virtual communities, online representations and identity reconstructions among gay men are reasonably inapplicable to the present study. Thus, the researchers turned to western literatures to establish the role of media in gay identity formation. Horsely (2000) and Nicolosi (2002) underlined the capacity of media to present the commonality of gay men, like having the same experiences and needs in life; and also media as a venue for gays, who society necessarily dictates are lacking an authentic identity, to self-invent and self-reinvent their own identities. Media, whether through television shows or gay magazines, serves an important role for gays, especially young ones, in both the search and imagination of an identity as he is introduced to people with whom he is supposed to share the same needs and wants (Nicolosi, 2002). This is especially evident in films and television shows that mostly portray gay men as comic, horny, and unpredictable people (McLleland, 2004).

The advantage of print media is in its ability to specialize, to segment the audience and target the most specific market (Horsely, 2000; Benzie, 2000).

Magazines, like gay magazines, as a form of media, foster the formation or necessary reinforcement of personal identities as individuals and as consuming members of a specific population (Leiss, Kline, & Jhally, 1990).

These publications then become a form of necessary capital in acquiring cultural goods, which inevitably "drives the material economy of any given culture" (Lash, 1993, as cited in Benzie, 2000). Hence, these cultural goods such as knowledge on gay products and services, gay etiquette, and gay places offer invaluable insights on how gay lifestyles should be lived.

The Pink Peso

Coined in response to the gay market boom of the 21st century, the term Pink Peso signifies the Philippine gay population's purchasing power. As of 200X, McKinsey and Johnson estimated at least 10% of the Filipino population to be gay. Gays are shown to have higher disposable incomes than heterosexuals, generally have neither family to support nor any dependent, and are usually involved in the public relations and media industries. Studies also indicated that gays tend to be more up to date on the latest gadgets, automobiles, hang-outs, and grooming products. If these statistics are anything to go by, the marketing latch on the Pink Peso is not surprising. Gay magazines, like Generation Pink, are very forthright in their aim as publications for gay men and women. As GP stated, it is "primarily marketed towards the affluent gay men and women ...[while keeping it accessible] at P150 per copy" (Generation Pink, 2007). This seemingly contrasting proclamation actually serves the magazine perfectly: while making it affordable for the average consumer, it reminds the reader of what must be strived for as a consuming member of the gay population - affluence, class, distinction, and so on. It is the implications of this marketing strategy on the readers' identities that propels this study.

The formation of gay identity is a complex process which to a great extent is linked to the consumption of media and media texts or more specifically, gay magazines. These consumption practices are almost indispensable in the construction and articulation of gay identities as they allow gays to access "cultural goods" like gay services and products that usually target or are highly exclusive to the gay community. However, it should be kept in mind that other elements are also operative in this process of consumption. One is the audience - the readers - who naturally display different preferences and tastes. Indeed, the process involves an interaction of media and media products and personal judgments and influences of the gay reader. In this study, the researchers explore how the consumption of media in the form of gay magazines, influences the formation and articulation of gay identities. The study focuses on Filipino gay readers of local gay magazines. As explained earlier, this study framework follows a process. The reason for this lies in the assumption that the articulation and formation of a gay identity in relation to media consumption involves different, occasionally overlapping stages. Each stage in the process has a varying impact on the formation of a gay reader’s identity. However, this does not mean that one stage is more significant than the other and that there is a hierarchy among the three stages. The researchers keep in mind how an identity may have already been formed at the beginning of the process (before reading a magazine). They also aim to explore whether or not the end of the process (having read the magazine), the reader's identity remains unchanged, is reinforced, or is reconstructed - and to what degree - into something more akin to "whole." The first stage focuses on the reader prior to his consumption of gay magazines. At this stage, called "Pre-consumption," a gay man, who has his own formed gay-specific values, tastes, preferences, and lifestyle shows interest in buying or reading gay magazines; by recognizing this interest, he addresses a need or a want to consume the contents of the gay magazine; as a potential reader, he also entertains the possibility of the magazine's content to affect him physically, mentally, socially, etc. This stage is followed by the “consumption” process wherein gay consumers act on their interest or curiosity and purchase or avail of a gay magazine. Here, the reader undergoes other sub-stages of selecting and filtering images and texts of gay magazines; he rejects concepts and representations that do not agree with him and accepts or ponders on those that do; he enlarges his understanding of the magazine's representations of gays and gay lifestyles; his own particular reading habits - time, place, duration, etc. - invariably affect this stage. The last stage encompasses the readers’ “post-consumption” of gay magazines. It involves the effects and impacts of having read the gay magazine in relation to his own formed values, tastes, preferences, beliefs, and lifestyle. The researchers anticipate that the individual may not be affected at all after reading a gay magazine. Should he be, however, the effects may be classified as: 1) construction, wherein the person falls in complete and utter agreement with the ideals of a gay man and the gay lifestyle as purported by the gay magazine; 2) reconstruction, wherein the person modified his previously formed identity to accommodate only specific ideals and suggestions forwarded by the gay magazine; and 3) reinforcement, wherein the identity of the person is strengthened by the reading of the gay magazines - that is to say, his pre-formed identity is similar to or not at all far from the magazine's own concept of the ideal gay man and his ideal gay lifestyle. These effects in gay identity and lifestyle may include changes in the gay reader's fashion preferences and overall manner of dressing, day and night activities, sexual behaviors, relationships with homosexuals and heterosexuals, health and fitness, language (lingos, expressions), and most importantly, definitions and concepts of gayness, a gay man, and the gay lifestyle. The study realizes that there are cases wherein a person could undergo both reinforcement and reconstruction in their identities by reading of media texts. For instance, the individual’s perception of how a gay should be (drag, discrete, effeminate) can be reinforced but at the same time his lifestyle such as sexual behaviors could also be reconstructed in the reading of the same gay magazines.

General Problems:

• What is the role of local gay magazines in the formation and articulation of Filipino gay identities?

• How does the regular consumption of these magazines maintain, reconstruct and reinforce their individual identities as homosexuals in the Philippines?

Specific Problem:

• How do local gay magazines construct the image of the ideal Filipino gay consumer?

• What are the effects of the regular consumption of these magazines among Filipino gays in terms of lifestyle choices, i.e., tastes, concerns, habits and social relationships, as reflected in their thoughts, values and feelings?

A total of twelve in-depth interviews were conducted for this study; informants were selected using a referral or snowball sampling scheme. The twelve informants are all Filipino males, aged 18 to 45, who openly acknowledge their homosexuality. Homosexuality, in this case, was defined as being sexually attracted to males. The informants are regular readers of local gay magazines. To meet this standard, a minimum number of magazines read were set to at least 40 percent of issues made available in a given year. Thus, for every twelve magazines in one year, a informant should have read though not necessarily purchased at least five issues either of one particular magazine or a combination of magazines. Informants were further screened and categorized according to the three types of "out" gays enumerated by Cruz (2006): Drag, Effeminate, and Discreet. Finally, the four informants belonging to each category were classified as either young (18 to 30 years old) or old (31 to 45 years old) following the sizable proportion of research on gay adolescents which suggest that age is an important factor in determining a gay reader's ability to discern the significance of media texts. As Benzie (2000) elaborated, values among gay men are revealed "through a later presumably adult immersion in 'the scene' and the predominantly print media surrounding it" (p. 160). Below is the table showing the sampling scheme of the respondents:


Age Classification

Old (18-30) Young (31-45)

Drag 2 2

Effeminate 2 2

Discreet 2 2


PRE-CONSUMPTION The definition of gayness varied among the different types of Filipino gay men. Drags described gayness along the lines of baklaness that Manalansan (2003) and Garcia (2004) defined: men who yearn to be women. Being gay for them meant courting straight men, wearing women's clothing or, to put it one way, preferring dolls to toy soldiers. Discreet gays, meanwhile, came closest to the widely-accepted ascription of being gay: a man acknowledging and acting upon his sexual desire for another man. This was comparable to the answers provided by effeminate gays who saw gayness beyond same-sex desire and same-sex acts; it is, for them, a culture - values, attitudes and conventions - that preserves the standards to maintain same-sex desire (Herdt & Boxer, 1992). At an early age (four to six years old) informants were aware that they were "different" from other boys. The effeminates were unique in that they also came out in the same year they realized they were gay, which was during their late childhood years. This recollection might have been caused by their family members' immediate acceptance of their sexual orientation; unlike the drags and discreet gays, who retold a more difficult time making their family, their fathers in particular, accept, much less recognize their homosexuality. Thus, they reported coming out later in their adolescent years. Interestingly, there was no notable difference between the answers provided by the young and old. Members of both generations realized at about the same time that they were indeed gay. Also, similar to Manalansan's (2003) study, informants reported positive responses among their family's reactions when they came out. Manalansan attributed this openness to pakikiramdam or "feeling out," i.e., the family already sensing that the informant was gay without him having to tell them outright.

The activities and hobbies the informants engaged in were no different to the recreations of any non-gay individual. The only exception was that some of their activities were done in exclusive gay venues such as gay bars and massage parlors. Many of them agreed with Yenicioðlu's (2000) assertion that gay places exist and function to help normalize gayness and gay activities. In addition, the informants' recreational activities with their respective partners did not vary from 'normal couple's.' However, the use of media such as the internet, television, and films are perhaps more frequently used, lending credence to the market research-supported suggestion that gay men tend to be more up to date in terms of technology and its applications (XXX). Informants belonged to a group with a generally higher disposable income. They avail of the latest gadgets, purchase magazines, go out often (weekdays and weekends), and are up to date in style and fashion. Apart from those, informants' money were also spent on services like massages and spa treatments to "get over stress and to pamper one's self."

CONSUMPTION: Informants' preferences over gay magazines varied: the drags purchase L and Valentino, which, according to them, contain more visually stimulating images of men than Icon or GP. The latter two are those which the effeminates and discreet gays choose to purchase. Both effeminates and discreet gays choose to read the fashion and fitness articles, but discreet gays look forward to the stimulating photographs of men. This echoes Sender's (2001) presumption that the wide range of topics covered by gay magazines reflected an equally diverse readership: different informants were interested either in the pictures, specific articles, columns, and so on. There was no unified answer on what they look for and reject in the magazine. Informants are relatively affluent (with normal to high disposable income, holding stable or well-paying jobs), educated (most are UP graduates or UP students), with none declaring himself to subscribe to a particular political party, religion or sect. One even expressed offense by the occasional presence of article dealing with religion. On the whole, however, informants preferred to read or browse the magazines in private, by themselves; disliked long texts or articles that concerned political or religious issues; and liked stimulating images of men and short stories about gay lives. Readers reported to be affected by what they read "personally" (physically) and "socially." In terms of the latter, drags said that the magazines facilitate the eventual social acceptance, not simply tolerance, of gays in the Philippines. They attributed the mere existence and visibleness of the magazines as a sign that the gay community in the Philippines is "taking steps forward." While such statements may be well-categorized as sweeping aspirations or grand optimism, they are noteworthy in their mere expression. Readers see magazines as a whole product and not only as a venue for numerous advertisements, or many products published in one body. Taking the magazine's contents out of the equation, stepping back, and seeing the display of the magazine as a signifier of something greater can certainly be grounds for further exploration. "Personal" effects, on the other hand, were reported by discreet gays, who admitted to being titillated by pictures seen in the magazines. Thus, "personal" here might actually mean "physical." The effeminates, lastly, did not claim to experience any effects brought by the magazines. This can be taken as responses per se or de Grazia and Furlough's (1996) argument may also be considered. The authors suggested that nothing about consumption, including reading a magazine, is 'natural' or without certain effects, especially when the (gay-identified) subject is a regular reader. Given that effeminate gays were the ones who had come out to their family and friends at the youngest ages, it can be possible that the gay culture-specific values they had learned and acquired through the years had already been 'naturalized.' As Benzie (2000) further explained, this gay "cultural capital" or the knowledge on gay cultural values and hierarchies become "disavowed through a process of 'naturalizing' impulses or judgements" (p.160). In a way, the (gay) "habitus," sometimes referred to as a "feel for the game" or "practical sense" (Bourdieu, 1984: p. 5 as cited in Benzie, 2000), has lost its novelty among these readers. It had instead become expertise: the readers are not affected by what they read because it is, for them, "common knowledge." POST-CONSUMPTION Drawing from the informants' responses on the changes brought about by gay magazines in their preferences, social relationships, and overall lifestyle, gay magazines predominantly help reinforce their identities as Filipino gay men. Readers continuously purchase and consume gay magazines to keep up with 'the scene' - the styles, fashions, technology, etc.; to keep themselves informed on health issues and financial news; and to entertain themselves primarily through visual stimulation. A similar finding was captured by Ohmann (1996), who established a relationship between magazine readership, consumption, and emerging identities. Magazines, he argued, can serve as guidebooks in that they brief readers on 'the scene' and aid them to fit in. Having analyzed Ladies Home Journal, Munsey's, and McClure's ("family" magazines), Ohmann found that "the implicit offer the magazines made to their readers was of socially correct participation - reading the right fiction, seeing the new paintings...having sophisticated (if second-hand) views on the current...season, and so on" (1996: p. 245). By engaging, therefore, with the magazine, the informants recognized that magazine's credibility as a source, their need as consumers e to be updated (or sustained), and, in relation to that, their role as active and discerning social promoters of the gay culture. Opinions on ideal gay lifestyle as purported by the magazines brought about positive and negative responses. Positive responses included those who said the magazines promoted a balanced, attractive, and reachable standard; while the negative responses included those who rejected the magazine's vision of the ideal gay lifestyle saying it was unrealistic, even fictitious, aimed to sell more magazines, and does not take into account all the types of gays in Philippine society. One informant noted that the different magazines promoted different ideals. Thus, there are multiple ideals, all of which can be true. Lastly, informant's opinions on what the ideal gay lifestyle is cohered and can be summed up as: having a happy life, being respected, and socially accepted. The role of gay magazines as opined by the informants varied across the types of gays: the drags believe that the role of magazines are more for fashion updates and style guides and secondary, visual stimulation ("eye candy"); the effeminates use the magazine to acquire knowledge on gay venues and events; and the discreet gays believe that magazines are there primarily for sexual entertainment or visual stimulation.

Local gay magazines affect all readers regardless if they are drags, effeminate, or discreet gays; young or old. While there are slight and essential differences among the types of gays, there were none substantial according to age. In terms of what the ideal gay lifestyle is, the magazines unsurprisingly profess it to be one revolving around continuous if not endless consumption - of style, social events, and more magazines. The readers, on the other hand, maintained distinctly personal and abstract concepts of happiness and social equality in envisioning the ideal gay lifestyle. Remarkable in this particular discrepancy is its pertinence to Bourdieu's (1984) re-definition of 'lifestyle.' Looking beyond the word lifestyle's advertising and branding connotations ("healthy lifestyle" or "gay lifestyle). Bourdieu extended the term to encompass both the ways of living and the ways of cultural belonging, i.e., sense of class and gender, and argued that this "offers us a way of looking at how consumer choices and tastes are structured in part by their position...in embodied practices and lived environments" (p.75). In other words, while the magazines latch on to the trite and sellable meaning of the word lifestyle to promote the "ideal gay life" that suits them, the readers fell in step with Bourdieu and pictured the ideal gay lifestyle as one free from "issues and hang-ups," socially accepted, and one that enjoins all types of gay men to support instead of denigrate ("nagnenegahan" or putting each other down) each other, thereby reflecting the readers' existing cultural and social positions. Filipino gay men read local gay magazines to reaffirm their identities as drags, effeminate or discreet gays. However, they do not necessarily rely on the magazines to tell them what to do and how to act; it is not, for them, anything resembling a bible or a vade mecum, a guide kept constantly at hand for consultation. It is instead a guidebook that is once in a while turned to for advice, or a training manual that is read when first bought and stored sometimes to be forgotten, other times to be returned to should the need arise. One effeminate gay suggested:

“They [gay magazines] give guidance, yes, especially for the 'budding badings;' maybe some people mistake it as a real guide or a gospel kasi wala na silang access to a much wider gay circle. Kumbaga, it's their only way to know of these things - events, places, et cetera. Kawawa naman. [Gay magazines give guidance, yes, especially for the 'budding gays;' maybe some people mistake it as a real guide or a gospel because they have no access to a much wider gay circle. In other words, it's their only way to know of these things - events, places, et cetera. It's a pity.]

The reader here separates the 'scene' from the publication. It can even be inferred that he is putting the 'scene' ahead of the publication. If a reader has access to the 'scene,' he will not need the magazine for guidance. Filipino gay magazine readers recognize the publication's market-driven nature that necessarily favors and promotes the image and 'lifestyle' of the gay elite. Filipino gay readers' regular consumption of local gay magazines is not an adequate indicator of the publishers' success in promoting the ideals of their magazine.


The researchers deem it necessary to increase the number of the respondents so as to acquire a wider array of data. Moreover, the respondents should not be a member of any media industry works; this criterion affects the responses due to his wider knowledge on the subject matter.

A gay interviewer is recommended in conducting interviews with the gay respondents. The respondents would be able to freely express his opinions and ideas if a fellow gay is the interviewer as compared to a straight interviewer.

Due to the findings, the age variable did not vary the responses, the researchers recommends inputting the SES (Socio-economic Status) in replacement of age because it has a bigger influencing factor based on the findings.

Practical: The researchers are interested in finding out if and to what extent the findings and conclusions drawn from generally western-oriented research endeavors on gay magazine consumption among gay men apply to the local setting. More importantly, the study was conducted to contribute, to whatever degree, to the dearth of research endeavors focusing on the Filipino gay man as an active media consumer who continuously forms and re-forms his identity. For several other tangential but no less important reasons, this study can also provide editors and publishers of local gay magazines general and specific insights on how to design their future issues, i.e., what to include, devote more space to, exclude, and so on. Moreover, the research may reveal to readers otherwise indifferent to or ignorant of Filipino gays and their lifestyles the different ideals forwarded by local gay magazines and how these might relate to how gay identities are imagined and performed in the Philippines.


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